Mr. Obama’s argument is not wrong, but it is
incomplete. He argues that deals get
worked out (or not) in Washington not because of who knows whom, or who likes
whom, but because of ideology and policy preferences. This is true. An
examination of roll call votes in
Congress would reveal that political party, our best and simplest way of
measuring a legislator’s ideology, explains more than 90 percent of the
variance across all votes. But how do we
know that one’s party (or ideology or policy preference) has not been informed
by social interactions? And what about
the remaining 10% of votes that aren’t explained by these primary factors?
Politicians’ personal social networks inform their thinking,
and their voting. Research
shows that legislators’ personal friendships with one another can affect their
voting patterns, or at least that legislators develop strategic relationships
with one another for the purposes of forging future coalitions or, in the
least, to have a sounding board against which to “check” one’s
preferences. Other scholars
(and
here) have argued that by examining patterns of cosponsorship in the U.S.
Congress we observe the effects of consequential social networks that ultimately
affect legislative voting.
We also have good evidence that voters’ social networks
affect patterns of political activity in the civic arena (see here,
here and here).
The evidence is mounting and compelling: social networks play
an important role in human behavior. What is not yet entirely clear is how these networks matter and to what
extent they matter. In a forthcoming
book with University of Michigan Press, Nils Ringe and I argue that
legislators form social relationships with one another strategically through Legislative
Member Organizations (such as caucuses in the U.S. Congress). The relationships forged through LMOs cross typical partisan and institutional divides in ways that are ultimately productive for lawmaking.
My view of the relative importance of social networks in
political decision making is heavily influenced by the conclusions we draw in
this research. That is, social networks
are consequential, but most likely in an indirect way. Who you know, who you talk to, how frequently
political actors socialize with one another—these are things that may affect
political events on the margins, or at the agenda setting stage where effects are more difficult to discern.
But
sometimes it’s the margins that count. President Obama noted that he enjoyed playing golf with Speaker Boehner,
but that it didn’t help them reach a deal on the fiscal cliff. However, the deal came together
because of negotiations between Vice President Biden and Senate Republican
leader Mitch McConnell, who have been colleagues and friends for more than 20
years. Biden and McConnell have successfully helped the nation avert crises three times in recent years (including the deal about the 2010 expiring Bush tax cuts, and in August 2011 regarding the debt ceiling). Explaining why Biden and McConnell seem so successful at these deals, one Republican staffer explained, "It's a buddy thing." So, with all due respect to the President, it may not entirely be true
that social relationships had no impact on finding a deal on the fiscal cliff.
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